Verbal Extended Projection and Event Interpretation in Derived Nominals

Borer (2014) assumes that AS-nominals (for derived nominals with argument structure) and R-nominals (for referential nominals) have a distinct internal syntax; the former has a verbal extended projection which licenses both an event interpretation and event arguments, while the latter does not. Indonesian, however, has a deverbal nominal construction that seems to have a verbal extended projection which does not license an event interpretation. Based on this, I argue that R-nominals can have a verbal extended projection and that an event interpretation is not licensed by a verbal extended projection. Instead, there is a projection above NP, NeventP, which licenses an event interpretation.