Sammendrag
Frankrike har i over hundre år hatt eit klårt skilje mellom stat og kyrkje, ein skule utan religionsfag og eit strengt forbod mot forkynning eller katekese i skulen. Elevane har i staden hatt undervisning i filosofi og etikk som eige skulefag. Med tida førte det-te til at all undervisning om religion forsvann ut av skulen. I 2004 vart denne sekulæ-re politikken ført vidare i forbodet mot synlege religiøse symbol som det muslimske skautet (le foulard, hijab). Samstundes har det sidan midt på 1980-talet vore ei rørsle i motsett retning. Med president Sarkozy i spissen har mange ønskt ei langt meir ink-luderande haldning til religion. I læreplandebattane vert det no argumentert for at kunnskap om religionar og kristendomen er viktig for å skjøne fransk historie og kul-tur, og dermed viktig for å kunne handle rett i dagens fleirreligiøse samfunn. Gud er såleis på ein måte komen attende i den franske skulen. Samanlikna med ordskiftet kring læreplanane for det norske religionsfaget (KRL/RLE) er dette eit særs interes-sant fenomen, for den franske undervisningsmodellen har alltid vore eit klart sekulært alternativ i Europa. I lys av det som no har skjedd i Frankrike, må vi spørje om landet no rett og slett har fått ein variant av KRL/RLE-faget For more than 100 years now there has been a formal separation of state and church or religion in France. During these years the French Republic has maintained a strong prohibition against religious instruction in schools (¿cathecesis¿) as well as avoiding religion as a specific teaching subject, contrary to other European countries in this period, such as Norway. In 2004, this secular doctrine materialised in a total ban against visible religious signs or clothes in state schools, particularly aimed at the Muslim scarf, the hijab. At other fields, however, there has emerged a movement with a much more relaxed attitude or tolerance towards religion in the public area, a movement with president Sarkozy as a leading figure. This counter-movement has been called a secularisation of secularism, where secularism denotes the idea that religious activities should be kept strictly private. This movement has also lead to a new stress on the necessity of religious knowledge and the teaching of such knowledge in state schools, seen particularly in the Debray-report (2002). In Norway, the teaching of religious faiths and especially of the Christian faith in state schools has been secularised and this faith instruction is now to be the sole responsibility of the Norwegian Church (Lutheran) and other churches and denominations, and similarly for organised secular world views. Comparing Norway and France today, may we conclude that although they earlier represented two different attitudes towards the teaching of religions in schools, they are now in a much more similar position. The article claims that arguments given in favour of the teaching of ¿the religious fact¿ in France are equivalent to arguments given for central issues in the Norwegian subject of religious education KRL and RLE, as these are presented in core official documents. Phenomenological based hermeneutics and sociology of knowledge theories from Alfred Schutz are brought into the discussion to enlighten similarities and differences between these two countries regarding the teaching of religion and citizenship. The ideal type of a well-informed citizen in Schutz is brought in to explain both the Norwegian and French situation. This perspective further strengthens the former conclusion that Norway and France have taken a similar direction in schools towards the emerging religious plurality in these countries.
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